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    திருவள்ளுவன் இலக்குவனார்




    {தோழமை:8112} பழ. நெடுமாறன் எழுதிய “பிரபாகரன்-தமிழர் எழுச்சியின் வடிவம்” நூல் வெளியீட்டு... - தமிழ்க் குலம் பதிப்பாலயம் …



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    jeyakanthan vadivelu (2)




    Re: Reply from M1757735 - On 3/31/12, jeyakanthan vadivelu wrote: > Hi uncle shan my …



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    Jazeela




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    Tamilcnn




    இதப்படிங்க முதல்ல ! 11/04/2012 by www.tamilcnn.com - tamilcnn சுமைதாங்கியே சுமையானதே... எந்தன் …



    Apr 10














    எல்லைத் தமிழன்




    எனதருமை தமிழ் சொந்தங்களே, சிந்திப்பீர்!கூடன்குளம் அணு உலையை ஆதரிப்பவர்கள் யார்? - எனதருமை தமிழ் சொந்தங்களே, சற்றே …



    Apr 10














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    Apr 10














    எல்லைத் தமிழன்




    எங்கு போய்ச் சொல்ல இந்தக் கொடுமையை? - எங்கு போய்ச் சொல்ல இந்தக் கொடுமையை …



    Apr 10














    எல்லைத் தமிழன்




    தமிழீழம் வேண்டுமா? என்று வாக்கெடுப்பு நடத்த தயாராகும் ஐ.நா! - தமிழீழம் வேண்டுமா? என்று …



    Apr 10














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    Petition - Dear all, Please go to the following link and read it and add your name to the petition asking …



    Apr 10














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    Apr 10














    thamizkkanal




    நூல் வெளியீட்டு விழா, 13-4-2012, சென்னை



    Apr 10














    தமிழ் ஓவியா




    [இளைஞனாய் இரு!] வாழ்வியலும்புரட்சிக்கவிஞரின்குறளும்! -கி.வீரமணி - 10.4.12 …



    Apr 10














    Muthamizh Vendhan




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    Marius Falch Orvin (2)




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    Apr 10














    me, postmaster, Andreas (8)




    TAKK FOR SOLIDARITET! - Søknad om bruksendring krever ansvarlig søker. Han vil ha tilgang til alle nødvendige skjema …



    Apr 10














    Vistaprint




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    Ola Wang




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    தமிழ் ஓவியா




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    Apr 10














    Patrick Gaspard, Democra.




    The first major "anti-Obama" campaign - Democrats Shan -- Huge news -- Karl Rove's super PAC, American Crossroads, is launching its …



    Apr 10














    Bas Baskaran




    FW: Helping Students To Reach their Goal - Friends, Here is another opportunity for us to help our young generation back home. We could help …



    Apr 10














    Macky Rajakone




    RE: FW: SUCCESS.... [SEC=UNOFFICIAL] - I wish we were all in "Aapana salava" and discused these over a cup of tea and …



    Apr 10














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    Apr 10














    shanmugappirabunalliah@g.




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    Apr 9














    shanmugappirabunalliah@g.




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    shanmugappirabunalliah@g.




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    Apr 9














    shanmugappirabunalliah@g.




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    shanmugappirabunalliah@g.




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    shanmugappirabunalliah@g.




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    Apr 9














    life2, me (2)




    Re: Reply from M1757735 - london.........shan On Mon, Apr 9, 2012 at 8:59 PM, life2 wife1


    Apr 9














    Tamilcnn




    உங்களுக்கு தெரியுமா ! 10/04/2012 by www.tamilcnn.com - tamilcnn அடேங்கப்பா இப்படி எல்லாமா பயணம் …



    Apr 9














    Bas baskaran




    கீரிமலை சிவபூமி மடம்! - See the attached: வாழ்க திருமுருகன்! வளர்க …



    Apr 9














    Obama for America




    Thanks -- now check this out - Thanks for standing up for tax fairness. To help more people understand why the Buffett Rule is a …



    Apr 9














    thinasari news




    [இளைஞனாய் இரு!] ஏ- 9 வீதியினுள் பளை நகரில் இராணுவ காவலரண் தகர்ப்பு; நால்வர் காயம் - தற்போதைய செய்திகள் check_mann01 0 ஏ- 9 …



    Apr 9














    Jim Messina, BarackObama.




    Taxes - Obama - Biden Friend -- Warren Buffett, one of the richest men in the world, pays a lower tax …



    Apr 9














    Nithis Kumaaran




    சிறிலங்காவினால் கிளப்பி விடப்பட்டிருக்கும் புலியெனும் கிலி - Vanakkam, Here is a paper for publication. Please forward it to all your contacts. Please use …



    Apr 9














    BharatMatrimony




    Copy of the mail sent to M1710454 - please upload hp,foto,ref...if ok u can talk with my dtr by skype...shan...norway we are from …



    Apr 9

























    thamizkkanal




    நேற்று, இன்று, நாளை - நேற்று 8-4-2012 : குமார் குணரட்ணத்தை …



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    R.Sampanth​an Speech in SL Parliament














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    visvanathan sivam nathan762010@gmail.com



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    Dear Friends,

    This is a good speech deliveredby TNA Member of Parliament, R.Sampanthan, in the Sri Lankan parliament, howeverlong worth reading. A man of R. Sampanthan’s stature should unite the entireTamil politicians, including Gajendrakumar and Tamil National People’s Front (TNPF) members, who broke off from TNA onaccount of difference of policy. A united front of Tamil leaders is the need ofthe hour. Dividing the votes will help only the Rajapaksa cronies.

    Visvanathan

    ‘You do not want the TNA because you want toremove the roots of our right to equality, justice and dignity’ 5April 2012, 8:02 pm by RajavarothayamSampanthan

    Mr. Deputy Chairman ofCommittees, we are discussing in the House today, an Adjournment Motionpertaining to the Resolution passed at the UN Human Rights Council at the 19thSession last month.

    Before I commence my views in regard to what happened at Geneva , I think Ineed to outline briefly the history and the growth of the tragedy of the Tamilpeople in this country and the Tamil issue, to put things in properperspective. The Sri Lankan State has been insensitive and callous in dealingwith the issues pertaining to the Tamil people, particularly in the North andthe East.

    It was only the Tamil people who stood up politically against the Sri LankanState, though it must be acknowledged that the Tamil-speaking Muslim people inthe North and the East have also had similar issues and concerns. It is theTamil people who have shown the resilience to stand up to the Sri Lankan State.More than six decades later, after the country attained Independence , we stillshow that resilience. That is because we are an ancient people with our owncivilization and our distinct identity. We are prepared to be integrated intothe Sri Lankan nation but we cannot be and will not be assimilated.

    The Sri Lankan Government has been all-powerful: the Legislature, theExecutive, the Judiciary were under its absolute control. The Tamil people hadno effective presence or influence in any one of these institutions ofgovernance. The Sri Lankan Government wielded an overweening influence in everysphere of governance. The Sri Lankan State developed a culture of all-pervasiveimpunity, vis-à-vis the Tamil people.

    Anything, however unjust or unacceptable, could be done to the Tamil peopleand the Tamil people would have no recourse to effective justice. They were aminority people. The fact that they were not a minority people in at least someparts of the country did not matter. It was not relevant. Programmes would bevigorously implemented, have been implemented and are being implemented to makethem a minority even in those parts.

    The Tamil people were subjected to repeated anti-Tamil pogroms in 1956,1958, 1961, 1977, 1981 and 1983 and this situation has continued continuouslythereafter. Tens of thousands of Tamil people left the country. That number isnow estimated to be in the region of one million. Tamils left the countrybecause they were subjected to violence and not treated with justice andequality in this country. Peaceful non-violent resistance for over threedecades was followed by armed resistance thereafter. Armed resistance as is notunusual had its grave distortions and came to be looked upon with disfavour bymany countries the world over. Many countries, in numerous ways, effectivelyhelped the Sri Lankan State. This armed group was banned in very manycountries. Many individuals helping this armed group were prosecuted in thosecountries.

    These countries helped the Sri Lankan Government to cripple that armedgroup. These countries were however aware that there was legitimacy in theTamil struggle for dignity, equality, self-respect and justice. They were alsoaware that Tamil civilians in this country were being subjected to grave humanrights violations and violations of international humanitarian and human rightslaws. The Sri Lankan State had repeatedly assured these countries that once thearmed conflict was ended there would be an honourable and equitable resolutionto the Tamil issue which had lingered from the time the country attainedindependence and which had existed for more than six decades and which hadinflicted much suffering and deprivation on particularly the Tamil people.

    Other peoples too both the Sinhalese people and the Muslim people sufferedmuch harm during this period of the armed conflict and I think one mustacknowledge that. Most regrettably the Sri Lankan State seems to haveirrationally decided that with the conclusion of the war the Tamil issue hadalso suffered a natural demise.

    This was a serious misjudgement and a self-serving miscalculation by theSri Lankan State because the peaceful, non-violent democratic struggle of theTamil people for dignity, justice and equality had commenced at least threedecades before the commencement of the armed struggle and had continued on itsown as a peaceful, non-violent and democratic struggle even during the periodof the armed conflict, despite several sacrifices made by moderate Tamilpoliticians and civilians. This struggle will continue as a peaceful,non-violent and democratic struggle even in the future until there is anhonourable and equitable resolution to the Tamil question.

    Sri Lanka has had ample time and space – in fact, several decades – toresolve this issue. It is almost three years since the war came to an end.Countries which helped Sri Lanka to successfully conclude the war haveinteracted very closely with Sri Lanka to achieve this objective even after thewar came to an end. Sri Lanka has responded to such efforts with disdain andcavalier indifference. No tangible movement was made towards achieving thisobjective. This situation, Sir, could not continue. The continuance of thissituation would have been harmful for everyone in this country. It would havebeen particularly harmful for the Tamil people. They have been and they wouldbe the worst victims of violations, which would recur if this situationcontinued. It must be said, Sir, that this is a situation which Sri Lanka hasbrought upon itself.

    Impunity, in whatever sphere, has to come an end; impunity must inevitablyyield to accountability. Human society through institutions that have universalacceptance has devised mechanisms to deal with such continuous denials,exclusion and injustice.

    You cannot avoid facing those institutions and mechanisms and beinganswerable to them. The only answer to this predicament, Sir, is for the SriLankan State to put its own house in order. It would be a grave mistake tothink that the casuistry and chicanery you have persistently practised on theTamil people in Sri Lanka for over six decades can continue to be practisedindefinitely over world bodies. The trajectory of the future lies entirely inyour hands. One can only pray that in the interest of the country at large, youwill act with sobriety and wisdom.

    It may be appropriate, Sir, for me at this stage to draw the attention ofthe House to an editorial that appeared in a much-reputed and respectednewspaper, “The Hindu”, published in Chennai in Tamil Nadu, a newspaper withwhich all governments in this country, including our present President, havefrequently interacted. The editorial that appeared on the 23rd of March, 2012,the day after the adoption of the Resolution at Geneva , titled “A wake up callfor Colombo ” states, I quote:

    “The passage of the United Nations Human Rights Council resolution on SriLanka is proof that the international community disapproves of the manner inwhich the Rajapaksa government is addressing the fallout of its Armageddonmoment of mid-May 2009. The resolution, backed by India , asks Sri Lankacredibly to investigate allegations of rights violations in the course of itswar against the LTTE. The wording of the resolution was tweaked by India to saythe implementation assistance the United Nations Commissioner for Human Rightswill provide must be with Sri Lanka ‘s “concurrence”. Yet, Colombo must notmisread this concession. Thursday’s resolution is the first real sign that theworld will no more let itself be guided solely by Sri Lankan claims that it hasthe will to carry out its own probe. It also means that gentle prodding andquiet diplomacy will not be the main means the world will adopt towards theisland nation. Few would dispute that Sri Lanka took too long to acknowledgethe allegations of extra-judicial killings and enforced disappearances anddelayed moves towards a political settlement indefinitely. Ultimately, its own‘Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission’ came out with some constructiverecommendations, but these have not been followed up. President Rajapaksa maynot like the Geneva resolution but he has brought it upon himself.

    India ‘s vote has already aroused consternation in some sections in Colombobut it is crucial that its intentions not be misread. There is no change in theIndian defence of the unity and integrity of its southern neighbour, only arealisation that the tardy progress towards reconciliation could undermine theprospects for peace and stability there. For the first time in decades, NewDelhi is in concord with popular sentiments in Tamil Nadu but it would be wrongto look at its Geneva vote as merely the product of domestic politicalpressure.

    Over time, the false assurances on devolution and implementation of ‘the13th amendment and beyond’ it received from Colombo have frustrated South Blocand forced it to reconsider its diplomatic options. What is welcome in India ‘slatest stand is that it has outgrown its misplaced fear of the growing regionalpresence of China.

    Having voted for the resolution, the onus is now on India to remain engagedwith the Lankan authorities, as its interests lie in promoting reconciliationand supporting the quest of Tamil Sri Lankans for justice, equality anddignity. The solution has to be Lankan-led. Persistent emphasis onaccountability from outside may jeopardise the larger goal of reconciliation bygiving a fresh thrust to Sinhala nationalism. India needs to brace forextraordinary diplomatic challenges ahead.”

    That editorial, Sir, written in “The Hindu”, the much respected newspaper,makes the position very clear.

    Though I have heard and read several statements made by leading persons onbehalf of the Government that various countries have been subjected to variousforms of pressure and that India had succumbed to domestic pressure andpolitical compulsions, the reality is that you were assisted by India toconclude the war – you cannot deny that India rendered to you the most valuableassistance to bring the war to an end successfully – you made severalcommitments to the Indian Government in regard to the resolution of thisquestion and that you never kept any one of those commitments, whether it be inregard to a political solution, human rights, the ground situation,demilitarization, resettlement of people or returning lands of people to themto enable them to resettle. In regard to none of these matters have you keptyour commitments. Therefore, as “The Hindu” clearly indicates, you have nowcome to a stage when the casuistry and chicanery you have practisedindefinitely and persistently on the Tamil people for several decades can nolonger be a continuing phenomenon, because now you have come under the view ofthe world community, the international community, who are watching you and towhom you will be answerable.

    Yesterday, I was in this House listening to the Debate and to severalGovernment spokesmen. They all talked about the LTTE, only a device to detractfrom the duty to face the issues that confront you. You talk of the LTTE rumpfrequently. You call the Tamil diaspora, numbering one million people who leftthis country under compulsion on account of the violence practised againstthem, who did not have justice in this country, who did not have equality inthis country, who are now doing well abroad, “the rump of the LTTE.” They arenot the rump of the LTTE. They are earnestly awaiting a peaceful, acceptableresolution of the Tamil question in Sri Lanka, if possible to even return toSri Lanka to be able to invest here and help her progress, not merely the Northand the East, but the whole of the country. But, because you cannot performyour duty, you cannot do what you are morally and ethically required to do, youbrand others as the rump of the LTTE.

    There may be some LTTEers. I am not saying there are not, but theycertainly do not constitute the major component of Tamil society, whether it bein this country or elsewhere any longer. But, you want to maintain this LTTEtalk in view of your incapacity, your inability, your lack of will, your lackof commitment to deliver on what you undertake to do. I think this must stop.This is most disgraceful. You should be ashamed of yourselves to continue totalk about the LTTE rather than delivering on your commitments and yourobligations.

    More time was spent yesterday by the Government Spokesmen talking about theLTTE than about the LLRC or Geneva. You cannot survive on such propaganda forlong. The danger is that such propaganda is detrimental to genuine peace andreconciliation. Probably, you do not want genuine peace and reconciliationbecause you cannot come up with the remedies that are necessary to achievegenuine peace and reconciliation, and because you cannot come up with therequired remedies to achieve genuine peace and reconciliation, your only escaperoute is the LTTE. Is that your position? It exposes your lack of seriouscommitment and raises grave misgivings about your will to replace the armedforces with effective civilian administration in the North and the East. Italso poses a grave challenge to the democratic decisions of the Tamil peopleand governance in the North and the East in particular, in keeping with thedemocratic will of the Tamil people. You do not want this to come about.

    Our assessment of the position is that you do not want governance to takeplace, particularly in the North and the East in keeping with the democraticwill of the Tamil people and you think that the only way in which this can befrustrated is by talking about the LTTE and keeping alive the LTTE. You carriedon the same propaganda in Geneva . You could not sell that propaganda. You knowwhat happened.

    Why should persons of the stature of Nelson Mandela, Desmond Tutu, MaryRobinson and Jimmy Carter make statements against the Sri Lankan Governmentindividually and on behalf of the organizations to which they belong? Do younot realize that there is something gravely wrong? Do you not realize that theconscience of these most-respected, upright civilian leaders has been arousedconsequent to your misdeeds over a period of time? Is it likely thatpersonalities of this stature could come up with a position against the SriLankan State and the Sri Lankan Government unless they were convinced thatthere is something radically wrong in this country?

    Sir, having said that, let me turn my attention briefly to what happened inGeneva in May, 2009 when there was a Special Session that was intended topromote and protect human rights in Sri Lanka.

    That Session was attended on behalf of the Sri Lankan Government by thethen Minister of Human Rights and the Resolution that was moved in Geneva onthat occasion was adopted in favour of Sri Lanka by 29 countries voting for theResolution, 12 voting against and six abstaining. What did the Minister ofHuman Rights say in Geneva on that occasion on the 26th of May, 2009? I quote:

    “The government has right throughout this difficult phase of liberating ourpeople from terrorism never subscribed to the concept of a military solution asa final solution. We have always said that the only durable and lastingsolution is a political process which addresses the socio, economic andpolitical grievances and expectations of our citizens through a home grownprocess acceptable to all sections of our multicultural society. The efforts inthis direction have already commenced.”

    Three years have gone by. It has not come yet to an end. He went on to say,I further quote:

    “What I would like to leave behind in this room is our commitment as aGovernment, as a nation to the fact that Sri Lanka is a multi-cultural,multi-lingual, multi-ethnic and multi-religious society. This is the great diversityand the strength of Sri Lanka . And we are committed and we believe in the factthat it is only through the protection and nurturing of this diversity that wecan build the unity that we need to overcome the challenges that are before usin the national, reconstruction and development efforts that our country needsto put in place towards our goal of sustainable peace and development.”

    That is what he said in Geneva on the 26th of May, 2009. I will comment oncertain matters pertaining to this Resolution as I go along.

    Sir, the next Session in Geneva, I want to refer to, was in September, 2011when the Human Rights Council sat again and when there were certain moves for aResolution to be moved against Sri Lanka, Minister Mahinda Samarasinghe onceagain attended the Session as a Special Envoy on Human Rights of PresidentRajapaksa. In the course of that Session in Geneva , he made a statement. Themain objective of the Government at those Sessions was to stave off anyResolution being passed in Geneva , primarily on the footing that the LLRCReport was being anticipated and that the LLRC Report was going to be a panaceafor all ills and would set everything right in Sri Lanka . This is whatMinister Mahinda Samarasinghe said on behalf of the Government on thatoccasion. I quote:

    “Currently, the Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission (LLRC) isinquiring into the conflict and its causes and is evolving recommendations toensure that such a situation never arises again in Sri Lanka . It is criticalto wait for that body to finish its deliberations and come up with itsconclusions in due time. Rushing these processes unduly may comprise theeffectiveness of the implementation of the eventual recommendations. Thepersons engaged in the Commission are highly regarded professionals. Theyshould be given time and space to come up with their findings andrecommendations.”

    He went on to further say:

    “I look forward to the LLRC coming forward with creative, forward thinkingand workable recommendations that we can implement with a view to buttressingour common values and ideals and celebrating our rich socio-ethnic makeup.Building a Sri Lankan identity that is overarching and inclusive and whichnurtures the rich diversity of our people, is at the centre of our all efforts.All this must be achieved within a paradigm of democratic governance which isthe best guarantee of peace, prosperity and the security for all Sri Lankanpeople.”

    This is what you tell the international community. “We are a very diversesociety; we are a multi-racial society; we are a multi-ethnic society; we mustbe inclusive; we must come up with arrangements to accommodate all this.” Whereis all this? Why is all this not happening? Do you think you can go on foolingthe international community forever as you have done to the Tamil people forwell over six decades? That is what happened in Geneva . You were able to staveoff that Resolution. There was a proposal for a Resolution to be brought byCanada but that was not eventually brought on account of the serious effortsyou made.

    Then thereafter, Sir, there was the LLRC Report which came out. I will notread the Recommendations of the LLRC in regard to all matters but I wouldcertainly refer to the LLRC Report in regard to some of the recommendationsthey made, particularly in regard to a political solution because they havevery clearly stated what should happen politically to ensure that there ispeace and reconciliation and stability and prosperity in this country.

    In Paragraph 8.222 of their Recommendations they say, I quote:

    “All parties should recognize that the real issue of sharing power andparticipating in Government is the empowerment of the people and making thepolitical leaders accountable to the people. This applies to Sri Lanka as awhole and includes the needs of citizens of all communities, Sinhala, Tamil,Muslims and others. The effective functioning of the democratic system whichfulfils these needs, together with a consensual framework of devolution will,by virtue of attributes and institutions intrinsic to it, also provide theanswer to the grievances of minorities.”

    I hear some of your Government spokesmen talking with either ignorance, orimpudence or impertinence. They say that the Tamil people do not want powersharing and it is the TNA that wants power sharing. I do not want any powersharing from you. What power sharing can you give me? But my people want powersharing. My people want to feel as equal citizens in this country. My peoplefeel, the Muslim people feel that they must have political power in the sameway that the Sinhala people have political power which we do not have and theLLRC has said it very clearly that power sharing is meant for the people andnot for political leaders. So please stop this crap of saying that the TNAwants power sharing and the Tamil people do not want power sharing.

    In Paragraph 8.225 of their Recommendations they say, I quote:

    “The Commission wishes to underline the critical importance of makingvisible progress on the devolution issue, in order to ensure the success of anyprocess of lasting and sustainable reconciliation. The Commission thereforerecommends that the present opportunity be utilized to launch a good faitheffort to develop a consensus on devolution building on what exists – both, formaximum possible devolution to the periphery especially at the grassrootslevel, as well as power sharing at the centre.”

    When we talk of maximum possible devolution to be granted, I must refer tothe speech made by His Excellency President Mahinda Rajapaksa at the inauguralmeeting of the APRC and the Committee of Experts on the 11th of July 2006.

    This is what he said, I quote:

    “In sum, any solution needs to as a matter of urgency to devolve power forpeople to take charge of their own destiny. This has been tried outsuccessfully in many parts of the world. There are many examples from aroundthe world that we may study as we evolve a truly Sri Lankan constitutionalframework including our immediate neighbour, India … Any solution must be seenas one that stretches to the maximum possible devolution without sacrificingthe sovereignty of the country given the background of the conflict.”

    President Rajapaksa is in complete agreement with what has been recommendedby the LLRC, “maximum possible devolution”. Why are you fighting shy? We areprepared to resolve this question on the basis of maximum possible devolution.Why are you fighting shy? Why are you speaking with two tongues?

    The next Recommendation, Sir, made by the LLRC which I might place beforethe House is 8. 226.
    It states I quote:

    “To this end, the Government must take the initiative to have a serious andstructured dialogue with all political parties, and those representing theminorities in particular, based on a proposal containing the Government’s ownthinking on the form and content of the dialogue process envisaged. Thatdialogue must take place at a high political level and with adequate technicalback-stopping.”

    So, why are you fumbling? Why are you, Ministers of the Government,speaking in different voices? Why do you not speak with one voice? It was inthis background, Sir, that the last Session of the UN Human Rights Council tookplace on the 27th of February, 2012 and once again the Hon. MahindaSamarasinghe went across to represent the Government as the special envoy ofthe President on human rights. He made certain statements which aresignificant. I wish to read them, briefly.



    He states, I quote:

    “In our view, the Report contains a detailed and perceptive analysis ofpast errors, including those that led to the failure of the peace process, andseveral recommendations for the future. The report is comprehensive andcontains detailed annexes.”

    He went on to say, I quote:

    “The Commission has dealt with and made recommendations on a whole gamut ofissues including aspects of accountability – something which several of ourpartners and interlocutors have failed to acknowledge; the resettlement ofIDPs; the rehabilitation and re-integration of ex-combatants; the detention ofsuspects; bringing an end to the possession of unauthorized weapons; thedeployment of security forces; land issues; issues with regard to restitution;implementation of the language policy; socio-economic and livelihooddevelopment; administrative issues; and on the need to arrive at a nationalconsensus with regard to fulfilling the legitimate aspirations of allcommunities living in Sri Lanka.”

    He further went on to say, I quote:

    “I may also add that the government is firmly resolved to ensure that allthose who have been dispossessed of their lands, are afforded the opportunityto return to the lands they once owned.”

    Is it happening? In so many parts of the North, it has not happened. InTrincomalee, it has not happened.

    He went on to say, I quote:

    “With regard to the lands under the former High Security Zones of Palalyand Trincomalee-Sampur, the Commission has acknowledged that the area coveredhas significantly diminished in terms of both land area and restriction ofmovement. With regard to the re-demarcation and reduction of the former HighSecurity Zones to aid resettlement, the process was initiated prior to theCommission’s Report, which therefore recognized that the area had diminishedsignificantly. By the end of the conflict in 2009, the High Security Zones(HSZ) covered 4,098.36 Ha and, at present, has been reduced to 2,582.45. Thegovernment will closely monitor and expedite making lands, previously used forsecurity purposes, for resettlement/return.”

    In fact, when I raised this matter in Parliament in October, 2011, the Hon.Basil Rajapaksa, in regard to the position in Trincomalee gave me the assuranceon the Floor of the House, that the persons who were displaced from Sampur,Muthur East – that entire area – apart from the land required for the CoalPower Plant, they could return to their lands and resettle. But nothing hasbeen done. So far nothing has been done. And recently those people have evenbeen deprived of their food – their rations – because they are not leaving therefugee camps in which they are. So, we need action in regard to all thesematters.

    Before I conclude, Sir – I might take two more minutes – I want to say onlythis. Recently I had a meeting with the BOI Chairman and who is also theSecretary to the Ministry of Power and Energy, in regard to the Sampur CoalPower Plant and the land from which people have been displaced, and he told methat there was a high-level meeting presided over by the Hon. Minister BasilRajapaksa in his capacity as Minister for Economic Development and that therewere some proposals in regard to the installation of a heavy industrial zone inthat area. But, Mr. Basil Rajapaksa in the course of the meeting clearlyannounced that apart from the land required for the Coal Power Plant, all otherland must be returned to the displaced people and that the displaced peopleshould be resettled in those lands. I am thankful to him for having made thatannouncement even at that meeting and made the position clear.

    But that is not good enough. My people want to go back. My people havelived there for generations and for centuries. There is an ancient historictemple in that area called “ Pathrakali Amman Temple ” that they worship. Theywant to go to that temple. They want to get back to their lands. Why are youdelaying? Your Government Agent and your Governor in Trincomalee are notprepared to let them go back. They have got their own plans. Why can you notimplement your decisions – decisions which you have made? Then we will not haveto raise this matter in the House again. Let me hope that in regard to bothPalaly – where I am told that they are putting up fences suddenly – and withregard to Sampur, our people can get back and resettle there before we have toraise this issue in Parliament once again.

    Before I conclude Sir, I want to make just a final reference to somestatements made by the Hon. DEW Gunasekara in his capacity as Acting Ministerof External Affairs when he made a Statement in this House on the 23rd of March2012. We do not buy the theory that the members of the Human Rights Council whovoted in Geneva were subjected to any pressure or subjected to any domesticcompulsions in making their decisions as to how they would vote. We, for ourpart, respect the decision made by every country. We respect the decisions madeby even countries that voted against the Resolution – I mean with the SriLankan Government. Well, we think it is the sovereign right of those countriesto make their decision and we have no right to question that decision.

    Unfortunately the Government’s spokesmen have not conformed to – in my viewa very healthy practice of – not condemning a decision made by a sovereigncountry. You talk about your sovereignty but you are not prepared to concede toother countries their right to their sovereignty.

    In 2009, you carried the Resolution with: 29 for, 12 against and 6abstained. This time, the Resolution was carried against you with only 14voting for you – fifteen less than what you have got in 2009. What happened?How did you get 15 less? The Hon. DEW Gunasekara went on to say in the courseof his statement that all in all, 23 members refused to say “Yes” to theResolution. That is – 15 plus 8 – 23. But you forget that all in all, 32members did not say “No” to the Resolution. You say, 23 members refused to say“Yes” to the Resolution. But you forget the fact that at the same time, all inall, 32 members refused to say “No” to the Resolution.

    Why did you not have even a simple majority? You had only 15. As far as theother party was concerned, they had a two thirds majority. They had more thantwo thirds. Thirty two out of 45 is more than two thirds. So, I think you muststop quibbling with this type of thing and realize that this type of thing doesnot help.

    Now, if you do not comply with the LLRC Report – but that is your businessnot mine; a matter in regard to which you can take your own decision – thenthey go to another Report before the UN Human Rights Council. That is theReport of the Experts’ Panel appointed by the Secretary-General of the UN. ThatReport was sent to the UN Human Rights Council when the sessions were on inSeptember 2011, and the Secretary-General had good reason for sending thatReport to the UN Human Rights Council. He knew that that was the place to whichit had to be sent.

    If you do not implement the LLRC recommendations and perform your duties asrequired in terms of the Resolution, you will have to seriously ask yourselvesthe question, as to whether any action may be pursued – I am not saying it mustbe pursued; that is a matter for the UN Human Rights Council, not for me todecide – as to whether any action could be pursued in terms of the Report ofthe Committee of Experts appointed by the Secretary-General of the UnitedNations to advice him? These are the questions you face and you cannot, in myrespectful submission, any longer take up the position that you can quibble;you can double speak; you can prevaricate; you can engage in casuistry andchicanery and get away with it; and not be answerable. I do not think, Sir,that is any longer an option available to the Sri Lankan Government.

    You now have to deliver on a political solution. You have to deliver on theground situation. There must be demilitarization. Our people must lead a lifeof self-respect and dignity. They cannot be second-class citizens in the areasin which they were born, in which they have lived for generations and whichthey belong to and own. There must be return of effective civilianadministration. You must respect the democratic verdicts of our people. Moniesare being allocated only to persons with the Government; only to the GovernmentLocal Authority Members. I read in the newspapers recently that the Hon. HasenAli, a Senior Member of Parliament belonging to the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress,his proposals have been rejected. Monies are not being allocated to our Membersof Parliament, to our Local Authority Members in our areas. The Government hasthe audacity to say, “No money for the others, only for our Members.” Are yourespecting democracy? Are you respecting the democratic verdicts of our people?Why do you have elections? You have elections at which our people vote and ourpeople choose their representatives. You must give due respect to that verdict.If you do not respect that verdict, are you respecting our people?

    If you do not respect our people what respect can we give you? These arequestions to which we must find answers. We are prepared to work with you. Wehave to be extremely honest about this. We started talks with you. You knowthat we did our very best to take the talks forward. We made every positivecontribution to take the talks forward. If the talks have today got intodifficulty it is not on account of us, it is on account of you. You cannot denyit. I challenge anyone of you to stand up in this House and deny it. We havedone our very best to take the talks forward. I have sought to reasonablycompromise at every moment, at every turn despite being criticized sometimes byhard-liners within my own people. I have been willing to compromise to takethis forward and find an honourable, equitable solution. My Colleagues areaware of that. You must take the full responsibility for the present situation.

    The ground situation in the North and the East must change. Our people mustget back to their lands, lands on which they lived. Our people must be able tocultivate their lands. Our people must have proper livelihood opportunities notsomething at your mercy, not something at your clemency. But, as a matter ofright, that is your duty as a Government. You are not doing me any favour. Youare the cause of that destruction, and we are entitled to return to a life ofself-respect and dignity. Our people must be entitled to that.

    You must dismantle your military cantonments in the North and the East,particularly in the North, in the Kilinochchi District which you are seeking toestablish on a permanent basis. I have information that the soldiers who havebeen settling in these cantonments are today cultivating paddy lands undervarious minor tanks in Mullaitivu and Kilinochchi. Tomorrow when they aredemobilized they will be given the cantonments and they will be given thatland. Tens of thousands of people from outside the North and the East willthereby be settled in the North, against the will of the people of the North.This type of thing must stop. Are you going to stop it? Are you prepared totell this House that you will stop it? Are you prepared to tell this House inuncertain language clearly and explicitly that you will implement therecommendations of the Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission which wasyour showpiece before the international community on the basis of which youstaved off many disasters, because you have not even started implementing theinterim recommendations of the LLRC made more than one year ago in September2010.

    The UNHRC was aware of that because even in the Report of the LLRC, theyhave referred to the fact that the Government has not implemented its interimrecommendations though made more than one year ago.

    Okay, Sir, I will not take more time than allotted to me.

    So, we appeal to you. I want to assure you of our fullest cooperation. Whatis wrong with the TNA? Am I a criminal? What have I done? What is it that Ihave not done in the interest of peace and stability? You do not want the TNAbecause you want to remove the roots of our right to equality, justice anddignity.You want to be in power everywhere. Give equality to our people. Makeour people feel equals. Give them political power in their hands and ask themto return you, on their behalf, to positions of authority.

    So, kindly stop this most dishonourable conduct that you are presentlyengaged in and engage in something constructive, something positive, somethinghonest and you can be assured of our fullest cooperation.

    Thank you.

    (The Hon. R. Sampanthan)

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